Sunday, November 19, 2017

"Sŭsŭng" (Teacher): Education reform and the next generation

"Sŭsŭng" (Teacher) is a short story by Kim Sam Buk which appeared in the collection Bul ŭi Yaksok (A Promise of Fire), one of the first short stories to directly chronicle the new leader's exploits. It follows the discussion around reforming North Korea's compulsory education system from 11 years to 12 years, a change which was ratified by the Supreme People's Assembly in September 2012.

North Korean elementary school classroom
Src: CNN
Half of the story follows Kim Jong Un as he pushes elderly officials to enact the education reforms. The other half follows a family of educators, the Shims, as they are given a new apartment in the new Changjŏn Street high-rise housing complex.

The story opens with Miyŏng, the oldest Shim daughter, on her way home from another late tutoring session with her most problematic students. Miyŏng is feeling discouraged at her job. It seems that some of her students make no progress no matter how hard she tries. She plans to quit teaching as soon as she gets married.

One student in particular has her worried: Chae Il, age 13, a friendly boy with a good attitude, who struggles with his schoolwork. He can answer questions correctly, most of the time, but he can't explain his reasoning, even simple things he should have mastered a year ago. Miyŏng has gone so far as to set up after-school tutoring sessions for the students like Chae Il who are struggling, but it doesn't seem to be helping. A few weeks ago she visited Chae Il's parents at their home and expressed her concerns, but his mother seemed to shift all the blame onto the school. "If you can't teach them properly, what's the point of sending them to school?" She is so lost in thought that she trips and sprains her ankle.

Suddenly a car pulls up alongside her. The passenger, a well-dressed and distinguished-looking older gentleman, notices her limp and offers her a ride home. This not being Los Angeles, she accepts. The man asks how she injured her ankle, and she proceeds to unload about the difficulties she's been having as a teacher. The problem, in her opinion, is that the kids are learning too many things at once. As a result, they learn only superficially and forget soon afterward. The man listens with interest, asking many questions about where she teaches, how her students are doing, why she's teaching late evening classes, etc. From his appearance he must be a high-level official and yet somehow she finds him easy to talk to.  He drops her off at home and drives away.

Miyŏng is greeted by her younger sister, also a teacher, who is buzzing with good news: Their move-in day has been scheduled! The family has been allotted an apartment in the spanking new Changjŏn Street housing complex, a cluster of modern high-rise buildings in the heart of the capital. The family can't believe their luck; everyone knows that manual laborers and model workers (혁신자) get priority in housing. Miyŏng forgets her worries in the excitement of their upcoming move.

Abruptly, their father clears his throat and turns off the TV, signaling he has something important to say.
   "Except for our son who is off serving in the army, and grandmother who staying with my brother, our whole family is gathered here tonight. Since we are all teachers, I want you all to take my words to heart...  Miyŏng-sŏnsaeng was the last to arrive, but I understand that was because she was helping some students." It was his habit to address family members as "sŏnsaeng" [teacher], even his own daughters. "Now is a time when we teachers must take a serious look to our own failings. Our problem is that we do not even try to find out if we are teaching effectively. Like Miyŏng, we just fuss over our students without making progress. I'm no different. The reason I'm saying this is because I learned today that Dear Comrade Kim Jong Un gave a criticism that cut to the heart of the defects in our middle-school education system."
   Everyone held their breath in suspense, especially Miyŏng.
   "Our Dear Comrade Kim Jong Un argued that our education method has failed to evolve from the old system of rote memorization, pointing out that our children are unable to grasp the deeper principles at work behind phenomena and fail to acquire fundamental knowledge. Thus he has called for improving our education methods and for raising the quality of instruction, saying that the teachers' abilities reflect upon the students. Following his instructions, the education ministry is now looking into education reform."
Miyŏng reflects on her father's words, realizing that for all her struggles with her failing students, she had never once thought to improve her own abilities.

---

Kim Jong Un is in his garden meeting with Ri Hŏn Sun, a long-serving senior member of the Education Commission and septuagenarian professor and who once taught him philosophy. They both address each other respectfully but the professor uses slightly more formal honorifics to refer to Kim. Kim asks Ri what is troubling him. Ri responds that his revered mentor just celebrated his 79th birthday; at the party, the venerable professor took Ri aside and criticized him.
   "He attacked me saying, 'The Dear Comrade Kim Jong Un has woken you up to the fact that our middle school education system has failed to reach a suitable standard. You sit in a high seat on the Education Commission, and yet what do you do? Were you not moved by the Moranbong Band concert?'"
Moranbong Band concert circa 2013; Src: Hangyoreh 
   The Moranbong Concert had made quite a stir. You could say that their main purpose was to sound a warning bell against habitual, rigid, backward ways of doing business. Their fresh, strong and dynamic performance is what makes them so distinctive... It stirred everyone in attendance to wake from their stupor and look around at the world. It returned the elderly to the feeling of their youth and made them quicken their steps. As society advances with the times, the people's demand for new things grows. The Moranbong concert keenly reflected the spirit of the times, and it signaled a new model for creative and innovative thinking.
   Hearing that this mentor of Ri Hŏn Sun's had mentioned the Moranbong concert in this way, Comrade Kim Jong Un was reminded anew of how much that concert had moved people.
   "He's ten years my senior, and yet my mentor still has a keen sense for the times," Ri continued. "He said that it was time for me to pass my position to the next generation, and fill my days writing memoirs or some such. I said I was studying middle school education reform as instructed by Kim Jong Un, but he argued that a younger cadre would be better suited to the task.
   "On my way home from the party I encountered a young woman limping home. I gave her a ride home and found out she was a middle school math teacher. She worked so hard for her students, and she said a few of them were exceptional, but more than half simply memorized formulas without really understanding them. I felt remorse that we education officials have been unable to offer our teachers a better strategy."
Hearing this story, Kim Jong Un observes that the education system is failing because it hasn't received enough investment from the state and is badly in need of reform. He wonders why the experienced officials haven't been able to come up with a better strategy yet.

Kim gestures for Ri to sit with him in the garden and he expounds at length about the problems in education as he sees them. The teachers are blindly following old formulas; they need to devise a new "juche education" method for modern times. They also need better training to improve teachers' own abilities. Ri reverently takes notes.

To prepare effective reforms, Kim decrees that the education ministers should go out to schools around the country and observe the actual conditions.

That night Kim hosts a banquet with the education ministers to talk about their plans. He tells them the story of the young teacher, Shim Miyŏng, who was found limping home from late after-school tutoring session; he also mentions an elementary school teacher he once met whose voice had been destroyed by years of teaching. He tells the assembled officials they must work harder to find solutions for hard-working teachers like these.

New residential complexes at Changjŏn Street
Src: DailyNK
Days later, KJU is touring a construction site in the city when he receives a report on the families pre-selected to move in to the new Changjŏn complex. An official explains that priority is being given to hard laborers and model workers. KJU comments that first priority should go to families where both parents are hard laborers. Then he notes that some apartments are being allotted to teachers, and he says the teachers should be given the spacious apartments on the lower floors "since they work from early morning to late at night for the children."

The education officials take KJU's words to heart and feel deeply ashamed of their past complacent attitude about education reform. They embark on a massive listening tour of various schools, speaking directly with teachers and students about their problems. Ri Hŏn Sun pays a visit to the school of the now-famous Shim Miyŏng, who is delighted to recognize the very same official who gave her a lift home that night. 

They discuss the problems the children are having and come to the conclusion that they are trying to teach too many things too fast. The burden has increased over time as the number of subjects they need to teach has risen. Elementary education used to be just language and arithmetic, but now kids have to learn English, computers etc; 4 years is simply not enough. Also, younger students do better with hands-on learning, and their curricula should incorporate this. Miyŏng eagerly anticipates the education reform, knowing her input has been incorporated.

Ri comments that with all her hard work she must have little time for herself, and he asks if she reads any novels for fun. She admits that she only finds time on Sundays.

---

Back at the Shim's household, the long-awaited move-in permit has arrived. The family moves into their new apartment and is overwhelmed to find they have been given a spacious 5-room apartment the third floor of building 1. Their 78-year-old grandmother weeps with joy as she grasps the move-in permit in trembling hands.

__

KJU meets with senior education officials to discuss the education reforms. They are all impressed with his youthful energy and the fact that he has found time in his busy schedule to evaluate their reports and recommendations. It is decided that elementary education should be expanded from four years to five, in order to accommodate the increased subject matter required to build a modern workforce. It is also determined "after assessing actual school conditions and researching the education systems of other countries" that teacher training must be made a priority. Capable teachers are essential for producing "reliable workers for the country" (나라의 믿음직한 역군).

It is further decided that the six years of middle school should be broken up into 3 years of early middle and 3 years of late middle school. This is to accommodate the differences in temperament and learning styles between preteens and teenagers that were observed by the teachers they spoke with. Also, it is felt that older students tend to act more immature when put together with younger students in the same school.

Finally, KJU declares that the state will invest more funds toward teacher training and supplying schools with technology for hands-on learning. "It goes without saying, the cost to students will be nothing," he concludes.

---

As autumn approaches KJU announces that he would like to visit some of the families that have just moved into the new Changjŏn apartments. He flusters his aides by rather abruptly announcing, mid-afternoon, that he wants to visit now rather than bother people at dinnertime. "But the heads of household will all still be at work," they protest. "How will we get them all assembled and ready in time?"

KJU visiting defense corps on southwest island via wooden
dingy, March 2013. Take that, General Washington.
Src: Daum
But KJU insists, saying he'd rather just show up unannounced so he can see "how people really live." He recalls how much fun he had when he made an unannounced visit to a southwestern island defense battery, riding "a tiny wooden boat out to sea" to an ecstatic greeting by the surprised soldiers.

KJU enters building 1, ascends the stairs to the third floor and promptly visits the Shim family. He sets them at ease by joking, "Are you mad at me for visiting so suddenly?" After viewing all the rooms, he sits down in the living room with the whole family arrayed around him. He hands the father a pack of matches, noting that it a Korean tradition to bring matches to a house-warming.

KJU and wife visit a family in the Changjŏn complex,
January 2013. Src: RFA
At this point Miyǒng's mother candidly expresses her amazement that they were given such an apartment.
   "We really couldn't believe it; how could an ordinary family like ours get such good fortune? When we got the moving permit we couldn't believe our eyes, that such a home was really ours."
   Comrade Kim Jong Un chuckled. "Families of educators such as yours don't have it easy. It's fantastic that you are all teachers. Teachers should be given the highest respect in our society and it's only natural that you should have such a home. When they see how I sought out your family first, others will take notice."
KJU goes on to talk about how important education is to the nation's future, particularly middle school and particularly math and science. Miyŏng listens to all this in awed silence; she never realized how important her profession was before. She now feels ashamed that she had so looked forward to quitting as soon as she got married.

Throughout this reverie KJU continues: "I hear that some teachers are struggling under such difficult conditions that they are even considering quitting." At this point Miyŏng bursts into tears.

Embarrassed, her father explains to KJU that Miyŏng had been struggling with her students and had regretted becoming a teacher.

Hearing her name, KJU immediately makes the connection that this must be the very same Shim Miyŏng, middle-school math teacher, that Ri Hŏn Sun told him about. Miyŏng is astounded that the Dear Leader knows her name. He explains that Ri is the official who drove her home that night, and her conversation with him had helped influence the education reform. Miyŏng, sobbing, protests that she is not worthy as an educator, she who failed her own students, longing for her wedding day only so she could quit her job.

KJU responds, "Miyŏng, hold your head high. I am certain that in the future all our people will know of you and the nation will remember you as a great teacher." He concludes by saying he is proud to know such a splendid family of educators, and promising to invest the state's resources heavily in education for the nation's future.

After he leaves, the family stares at one another in amazement. The father breaks the silence, saying "What day is it?" Of course, they must mark this day and commemorate it forever as the day their family met the Leader. The family talks late into the night, celebrating together their renewed pride in their profession.

The story ends with the line: "Kim Jong Un is the great teacher of us all!"


Attitudes about Education

Miyŏng comes from a family of educators. Her father feels strongly that education is the nation's 흥망성쇠 (key to prosperity), even more now than in the past, and he pushes all his children to become teachers. In defiance, Miyŏng takes the exam for the mechanical engineering college that her father taught at, but to her surprise she finds herself placed in the education department instead. As a result she ends up unhappily teaching middle school math.

The primary difficulty Miyŏng's students face is in understanding the logical reasoning behind the formulas that they have memorized. This is explained through the example of finding the area for a triangle; students can recite the formula 1/2 b*h, but they can't explain the reasoning behind it. This is due to them being forced to learn too many things to quickly early in their fundamental schooling. There is also a long discursus on the pedagogical differences between 11-13 year-olds and 14-17 year-olds. The former are very emotional and impulsive, and learn best through hands-on practice. The latter are calmer and better able to understand abstract concepts.

The story takes pains to draw a direct line between education and economic development, particularly in the sciences. In his talk with Ri, KJU admonishes that middle school education is not "meeting the demands of the knowledge economy era" (지식경제 시대의 요구), saying that middle school education in particular is vital to cultivate "useful personnel" (쓸모있는 인재) in science and technology. He particularly wants to emphasize math, physics, chemistry and biology.  The story repeats variations of the same line twice: "Scientific development must precede economic growth, and science develops through education."  (경제력의 장성은 과학의 발전이 앞서야 이루어지며 과학은 교육을 통해 발전한다.; 과학을 발전시키고 경제장성을 이룩하자면 교육, 특히 중등일반교육을 개선해야 합니다.)

At several points this phrase is repeated: "If the roots are strong the fruit will ripen fully." (뿌리가 든든해야 충실한 열매가 달립니다) This is one of many examples of plant analogies that appear in North Korean fiction. Recent stories are replete with references to "fruit" "seeds" and "ripening," following along with the general concept of the country and its people reaching maturity and finally beginning to bear fruit after a long hard winter. When speaking with the Shims at their new apartment, KJU remarks: "Just as one cannot see the roots of a big tree, the labor of teachers is not immediately visible but becomes apparent through the next generation."

In the scene where KJU is discussing reforms with his officials, there is surprisingly blunt mention of the impact the famine ("Arduous March") of the 90s had on education: "The Arduous March weakened the material and technical support base of the schools (교육이 물질기술적토대가 약해지고), and teacher's living standards were hit as well (교원들의 생활이 어려워졌다). But now the country has entered a new age of prosperity. Now that our military and economy are improving, we must revitalize education as well."

A Good Cadre

One odd thing about this story is the presence of a government official who is not Kim Jong Un and yet who appears to have high personal magnetism and capability - that is, the character Ri Hŏn Sun. He is even described using terms typically used for the leaders: a "booming voice" (잘 울리는 목소리) and "confident gaze" (침착한 눈빛), distinguished, easy to confide in. He is described in such warm terms on his first appearance as the anonymous gentleman who drives Miyŏng home that I expected him to turn out to be a member of the Kim family.

In particular, his "discovery" and cultivation of the teacher Miyŏng closely mirrors the familiar pattern in which one of the Leaders discovers a "diamond in the rough" in some field of the arts or technology and cultivates his/her talent (a pattern seen in "Uri ŭi Mŏt" and "Piyŏnanŭn Ggum"). Ri is not perfect - he takes on some measure of blame for failing to reform education sooner - but it is he who identifies the key problems in education by talking with Miyŏng and conveys the information to KJU. This is very unusual in the fiction I have read thus far.

Given the amount of attention Ri gets in this story it is likely that this character represents a high-level official in real life, but I was unable to determine exactly who based on the scant biographical details given: 70 years old, a former philosophy professor with a long record of service on the Education Commission (교육위원회).

While Ri uses honorifics and formal speech when talking with KJU, KJU also speaks formally to Ri, using a more respectful tone than I have heard him give to any other character aside from his own father. KJU speaks more formally to Ri than he did to his college artillery science professor in Blossoming Dreams, for instance.


Age and Effectiveness

The seventy-year-old Ri Hŏn Sun wonders if he should step down and let "the next generation" take over; his even older mentor actually tells him a younger person can do his job better. Hearing this, Kim Jong Un responds somewhat ambivalently that it may indeed be true that a younger person could do it better, but Ri must carry out his duties to the end.

The education officials Kim Jong Un speaks with are referred to as "로교육자" (aged educators). When he meets with his education officials to discuss the reform package, KJU's relative youth is emphasized: "In his flashing eyes, passionate energy, and youthful bearing, the education officials could feel the vital breathing of the motherland."

When the two elderly officials are discussing the Moranbong Band concert, they specifically emphasize the youthful energy of the performance, saying it "returned the elderly to the feeling of their youth and made them quicken their steps."


Friday, November 3, 2017

"12 wŏl ŭi kŭi" (12월의 그이) - Kim Jong Un buries his father

"12 wŏl ŭi kŭi" (Him in December) is a short story by Hwang Yong Nam that appeared in the collection Bul ŭi Yaksok (A Promise of Fire) in 2013. The story follows the young successor Kim Jong Un through the mourning period following his father's death in December 2011.

The story opens on the day after Kim Jong Il’s death was announced; KJU stands before the casket officiating. He stands like a rock for two hours as wave after wave of sobbing citizens come forth to pay their respects. KJU alone cannot indulge in the luxury of tears; he has to be strong for the people.

Kim Jong Il's body lies in state.
Src: Daily Mail
The grieving Kim moves to a back room where he is confronted by officials with stacks of reports. They apologetically explain that these are all things the General had insisted on giving final approval for, so they cannot be handled without him. Looking at the large pile of documents, Kim Jong Un begins to realize the burden his father had carried all alone. Among the issues: a report from the Union of Socialist Youth about meritorious acts of mourning by young people; a report from the railway ministry on routes being blocked in several provinces due to unusually heavy snow; a report on the current state of construction on the Changjŏn Street apartment complexes. Reports on military, economic and diplomatic affairs. The engineering team has prepared a test demonstration of the new CNC computer controls, but they can’t proceed because the General had promised to be there to view the test. Several neighboring countries including China and Russia have sent condolence telegrams, and the foreign ministry is awaiting instructions on the appropriate protocol for their response. A woman gave birth to triplets at the Pyongyang Maternity Hospital and they want to know what to do about the gold rings and silver knifes the General had ordered as gifts…

KJU decides to handle this last issue first. He declares, “All children born during the mourning period shall be considered to be born under the blessing of the General. No doubt the General is even now hearing the happy news of the triplets and smiling.” [in heaven?]

KJU proceeds to receive reports one after after another.  A female soldier who fainted while watching the news has recovered. The South Korean puppets announced a state of emergency within 30 minutes of the death announcement. 

A KWP Central Committee member, Chŏng Sŏng Il, presents a draft declaration from the Committee for Peaceful Reunification of the Fatherland. He informs KJU that the ROK puppets gave declared a state of emergency, and it appears they intend to seize a military advantage from the national tragedy. It appears that the ROK deviants even attempted to block condolence calls  from other sources, and put financial pressure on Kaesong industries that had wanted to send their regards. KJU angrily responds: “Haven’t we just lost the Father of our People (minjok ŭi abŏi)? Whatever else happened, he raised our country to a great military power…”  The head of the armed forces formally apologizes on behalf of the KPA for not achieving unification before KJI passed away. 

Female soldiers mourn Kim Jong Il's death.
Src: The Telegraph
Suddenly a loud wailing erupts from the outer hall. It’s the all-female Persimmon and Wildflower Brigades, which had always received special patronage from KJI. Entering KJU’s presence, they declare that “our powder is dry” and ask for orders. They are furious at the South Korean president Lee Myongbak for his statement issuing condolences “to the people of North Korea” and not to the government.

A general from the western front line steps forward and announces that South Korean “human garbage” have been broadcasting unspeakable insults and sending leaflets across the border. In response he ordered all artillery stations to remove their tarps. 

Absorbing this, KJU abruptly turns to Secretary Han Su Nam (probably Kim Ki Nam) and asks, “When was it we sent that condolence delegation south?” referring to the Aug 2009 delegation of North Korean officials who visited Seoul to offer condolences upon the death of the late South Korean President Kim Dae Jung. The room reflects upon how graceful their side was in expressing its condolences, and how badly the South behaved by comparison. KJU decides to set aside the problems with the South for the moment.

KJU calls in 1st Deputy Secretary Cho Ryŏng Gŭn, and the conversation turns to the problem of bringing in all of the late leader's extended family from the provinces to the capital. There is tremendous difficulty reaching people in Yanggang and N Hamgyŏng provinces due to the heavy snow. The road from Pyongyang to Wonsan is completely buried in snow. KJU orders planes sent to pick up people in Yanggang and N Hamgyŏng, and orders military deployed to clear the road to Wonsan. 

Standing, KJU remarks, "What we must do first is to let the people to cry out all their grief. Only then can we set our sadness aside and stand up again. In times of hardship, if people cannot let their tears flow freely, they will harden into resentment, and everlasting bitterness [han] will follow for the rest of their lives."

Kim Jong Un's car moves through the snowy streets of Pyongyang, past the 4.25 Cultural Palace and Kim Il Sung Square, across Okryu Bridge toward the KWP Founding Memorial Tower, stopping in front of the greenhouses that grow the Kimjongilia flowers. He declares that the funeral route will extend to this point, so that the people won't have to go far in the cold to express their condolences. He turns to the KWP Memorial, where the General's face beams over a square packed with throngs of mourners.

He turns to his aides Chŏng Sŏn Il and Han Su Nam and makes arrangements for delegations of various classes of workers, engineers and scientists as well as overseas Koreans from Japan, China and Russia to attend the memorial. His accompanying aides begin to worry about the young General, standing out in the snow without a hat. 
   He turned to Chŏng Sŏn Il and asked, "What should we do about our people from the South? Without them, can the General really go in peace to his eternal rest?"
   "As I reported, the traitor Lee Myŏng Bak is even blocking condolence calls. It seems unlikely he will allow a delegation. The authorities..."
   He turned a baleful eye on Chŏng Sŏn Il. "Never mind the authorities. The people of the South will surely want to come. The whole of our people are crying out over the passing of the General. If we cannot protect their right to tears..."
Chŏng remarks angrily that the South has been talking up plans "in the event of sudden unrest" or "mass emigration" in the North, openly calling the current tragedy "a ripe opportunity for unification under a democratic system." Han too feels his face redden with anger, and urges them to publish the statement by the Committee for the Peaceful Reunification of the Fatherland exposing Lee Myŏng Bak's duplicity to the world. 

But KJU alone remains placid. "No one pays any heed to this talk of 'collapse' that emits from the politically ignorant and morally bankrupt Lee Myŏng Bak. I don't feel like quibbling with the likes of him right now." KJU decides to shelve the CPRF's statement for the time being, and publicly announce that the door is open for any representative from the South who wishes to come - regardless of Party. He declares that all routes should be made open, including air, sea and Panmunjom.

Overwhelmed by this benevolent attitude, Chŏng Sŏn Il cannot help but reluctantly point out that given the South's recent belligerence, now would be an inopportune time to leave the door open to them. These are, after all, the same people who immediately began making "emergency plans" for "collapse" upon hearing the news of KJI's death. They will doubtless take advantage of the open-door policy to send "impure elements" to spoil the dignity of the mourning period.

KJU turned his gaze to Mansudae hill, where hordes of mourners have flocked to the statue of Kim Il Sung, regretting they had not yet built a statue of Kim Jong Il there. Even now, near midnight, the flood of people has not tapered. What heinous act could possibly spoil this outpouring of grief? KJU turns to Chŏng and says, basically, "Haters gonna hate" (좀스런것들이니 좀스런짓을 할수도 있습니다).

KJU asks Chŏng why the ROK thinks a collapse is likely. Chŏng elaborates: 
   "It's because these self-styled 'politicians' don't know us very well. Just like when we lost the Suryŏng, they are once again chattering about a 'collapse.' They were wrong then, and they're wrong now. The root of their current theory is 'lack of leadership,' that is they think that because we were unable to establish the leadership succession thoroughly before this national tragedy, things are different this time from 1994. To open the door to the sort of people who hold such ambition.. We will have to vet any visitors very carefully."
   "A lack of leadership?" Comrade Kim Jong Un mused, gazing up the night sky.
   The phrase referred of course to state authority. As if they think our system, our society are maintained through the state's authority! It is our system rooted in the bond of blood ties, our society centered on the Leader, the Party and the military, and our people's united will that makes our country so strong and beautiful.
   "They will see for themselves the invincibility of our system through the coming event. No matter. Open the doors. What do we have to fear, when the General left us these wonderful people? Our tears will only make us stronger."
----

On a cold wintery evening, Kim Dae-jung's widow Lee Hui-ho is gazing out at the sunset. Despite her advanced age of almost ninety, from the moment she heard the news she had been determined to pay a condolence visit to the North. If only her husband were alive, he would surely accompany her.

Lee Hui-ho with her husband Kim Dae-jung at his
inauguration in 1998.
Src: Kim Dae-Jung Peace Center
His great achievements, the June 15 and Oct 4 Declarations, had been demolished by the new administration, as the three main newspapers splashed groundless rumors across their front pages. As if anticipating this, her husband had remained calm and self-assured up to the end. "After all, my nickname is 'Honeysuckle.'" The weed that conquers winter... 

And how cold the LMB years were. With the National Assembly spouting nonsense about the "lost decade" or "decade of shame," only the North still preserved the spirit of the June 15 agreement. Now Kim Jong Il too was gone.

"What would become of the 6.15 Agreement?" Lee mused. "And with only one year left." It went without saying that "one year" referred to the time remaining before Lee Myŏng-bak's term ended. Now the two men who had signed that historic agreement were both gone. 

The minute the death announcement came, the entire country erupted in protest. Not only the fringe parties, but National Assembly members and respected judges were demanding that an official delegation be sent North "as an appropriate measure of fraternal feeling and an essential step to restoring fractured North-South relations." But the administration remained stubborn. When even small funerary incense-burning altars to the late leader were banned under the National Security Law, there seemed little hope of sending a condolence  delegation. 

But some people put up "cyber altars" online anyway. And how the internet mocked LMB for scrambling to the US, Japan and the UN upon news of KJI's passing! "Big Brother Japan, Eldest Brother America, please teach me proper mourning etiquette."

Hearing of her request to make a condolence visit to the North, Representative Pak Su-won of the Democratic Party has come to visit.
"Madame, I've come to beg your forgiveness before you and your late husband. I've done a lot of  reflecting on your courageous act. I too have a deep connection to Chairman Kim, and yet these days with the all the furor to 'eradicate pro-North elements,' I hesitated. Please forgive me, I want to go with you."
Together they reflect on better times, after the 6.15 Declaration, when media executives traveled North to beg forgiveness for their bad behavior, cultural exchanges took place several times a year, tourists could freely visit Mt. Kŭmgang, and pretty northern cheerleaders came down to Pusan and set young men's hearts aflutter. But alas, now the "Big 3" media were up to their old tricks, idiots were talking about war rationing, and they had just lost the one man who fought for peace - Kim Jong Il.
"It's not just me. Former Minister Lim Dong-hun, President Roh Mu-hyŏn's widow Kwŏn Yang-suk, and many others want to go. I'll do what I can. But looking at the current government attitude, we can't hope for much."
Within an hour after the death announcement Daum, Naver and the other major websites had opened mourning sites and over 120,000 condolence messages had poured in praising KJI's achievements. People from were traveling from all over the country to Moaksan in Chŏlla Province, where the ancestral tomb of the Chŏnju Kim clan (KIS' clan) was located.

When word had come down that the North was willing to accept condolence visits from any representative of any group or party in the South, the government was frantic to come up with some excuse to block their visit. First they demanded that some family be left behind to ensure their return, and then they made noises about posting spies with the delegation; but then suddenly they gave up on that approach. Next they started quibbling about scheduling and procedures.

Finally, this morning a call came from the Ministry of Unification, telling Lee to prepare to leave and offering all sorts of ridiculous instructions like bring plenty of food and clothing, don't bow your head, etc.

That afternoon, her son Kim Hong Il returns from his visit to the Ministry of Unification in a bad mood. "Those no-good politicians. They're refusing to let Representative Pak come with us." He explains that they have categorically rejected all applications by actively serving government representatives and civic groups,  as well as President Roh Mu-hyŏn's widow and the family of the late Reverend Moon Ik-hwan, a renowned unification activist. Around Seoul National University students are putting up wall posters faster than officials can tear them down, demanding to be allowed North.

KWP Central Committee Member Kim Ki Nam
greets Lee Hui-ho at her husband Kim Dae-jung's
funeral in 2009.
Src: Hangyoreh
Unbelievably, it appears that Hyundai Chairman Hyŏn Jŏng-un may attend. Lee is outraged that Hyŏn gets to go when Roh's widow and Moon's family are denied, since those two worked so hard for unification. She remembers the words of Reverend Moon's appeal when he was sentenced to prison for traveling North: "It seems like people can go North for business, but not for unification."

They speculate that the reason Roh's widow was denied is because North Korea only sent a condolence telegram when Roh died, not a full delegation like they sent for Kim Dae-jung. This kind of pettiness is typical of Unification Minister Yu Wu-ik, and the transactional attitude of the president. "He may have started as a businessman, but he's our president now," Hong Il complains. "He can't just pursue profit, he's supposed to represent the people's spirit (minshim)."

Observing his mother's agitation, Hong Il has been holding back on the really bad news, which he finally reveals: They are only allowed two days and one night for their trip north. They'll leave tomorrow, and return the next day, before the funeral. Why? Because that's how long the North Korean delegation stayed for Kim Dae-jung's memorial.

"This is really too much," Widow Lee mutters, disgusted.

---

Lee Hui-ho's delegation travels North along the unification road to Pyongyang. How different she looks from when she last visited, with her husband. Has it only been a decade and change? Leaning on her children for support, her face worn and sad.

Kim Dae-jung and Kim Jong Il in the Baekhwawŏn
Reception Hall, June 2000
Src: Tongil News
She greets Secretary Chŏng Sŏn Il with pleasure, and is surprised by the familiar face of her old driver from her 2000 visit, who has been appointed to chauffeur her again. Amazed by the warm welcome, she remembers how the MoU busybodies had fretted and warned her about the likely broken-down facilities and bad infrastructure she would find in the economically depressed North. Why, it was quite the opposite! Everyone was so kind, she felt ashamed.
   "We've prepared the same suite you stayed in last time, at the Baekhwawŏn Reception Hall."
   Lee Hui-ho is startled by the words. Why, Baekhwawŏn is reserved for visits by heads of state! To think they went to such lengths for their shabby entourage.
   "It's on the Dear Leader Kim Jong Un's orders. He said you are to have the same room in the same condition as when you and President Kim visited... And he's the one who thought to arrange the same driver for you. He said to spare no effort to make you feel at home."
Kim Jong Un in a tank,
January 2009
Src: Yonhap
    Lee Hui-ho felt like she was dreaming. In the South, from the moment they first saw Deputy Chairman Kim Jong Un on the TV - his manner, his gait and his broad smile - why, everyone said he was like Kim Il Sung reincarnated! Since they saw him driving a tank at a military base on New Year's 2009, he had been described as merely a professional soldier. And he was linked to the punishment of Yŏnpyŏngdo. And when he launched the Gwangmyŏngsŏng 2 rocket, and they said he was prepared for war, they all thought him terribly intimidating.
   A young, vigorous and decisive leader. That's how they thought of him in the South. Who knew he could be so thoughtful, so considerate?
Lee Hui-ho, widow of former South Korean President Kim Dae-jung,
pays her respects to Kim Jong Il's casket.
Src: Joongang
That evening, Lee Hui-ho and entourage pay their respects to Kim Jong Il's body. There's a lot of crying and apologizing on behalf of South Korea for being so insensitive.

At dinner, the widow Lee is presented with trays of Chinbo mushrooms. They ask her if she remembers them. "How could I forget?" She responds. "Everyone in South Korea knows that story." That is, the story of how Kim Jong Il treated her and her husband to these mushrooms ten years ago, and they liked them so much he sent a bunch south in the fall.

The next day, with great regret, Lee's delegation says goodbye and returns South. The next day, they watch on TV as the funeral procession wends through the streets of Pyongyang, gasping as the hearse is swarmed by grieving people. "How could anyone look at that river of tears and say it is all just 'acting,' or 'forced'?" Lee wonders.

Back in North Korea, the funeral draws to a close. Gazing at the assembled top officials and military officers, Kim Jong Un makes an impassioned speech which includes the line, "We can forgive many things. But we can never forgive the crime of disrespecting our people's tears."



Seasonal Imagery

This story is chock full of winter metaphors. The Lee Myong Bak administration is described as a "cold frost" that froze over the warm wind of the 6.15 Inter-Korean Summit. The South Korean scenes are repeatedly described as cold and desolate, with great dark clouds threatening snow. Lee Hui-ho constantly refers to the current political climate in seasonal terms, saying "When will this cold snap end?" and "I think this winter will be very cold indeed." 

The North Korean delegation that went south for Kim Dae-jung's funeral is described as "a breath of warm spring air blowing on the frosted ground of the South." Kim Dae-jung's nickname, "Honeysuckle," is explained as "the weed that triumphed over winter." "Winter" of course refers to the period of Lee Myŏng-bak's presidency, when North-South relations were at their low ebb.

North Korea's Condolence Delegation

This story contains an interesting reinterpretation of the August 2009 delegation of North Korean officials to Seoul to offer condolences upon the death of the late South Korean President Kim Dae Jung. The section begins with KJU turning to Central Committee Secretary Han Su Nam.

  "Secretary Han Su Nam!" His voice thundered out. "When was it we sent that condolence delegation south?” 
  “Two years ago, in August.”
  “Only two years, then."
  It was two years ago, in August, that all North-South cooperation stopped. The Lee Myong-bak administration’s insane confrontation policy, known as the “lost decade," reached a fever-pitch with the Mt. Kumgang tourist incident. As the whole world was going crazy over our nuclear program, the cretins collaborated with foreign forces, and their bad behavior worsened. The warming mood that followed the 6.15  agreement had completely frozen over.
  After our editorial harshly condemned the traitor administration’s so-called “pragmatic government” as anti-Korean and anti-unification, North-South relations had deteriorated to a state even worse than before the 6.15 agreement. And then Kim Dae-jung passed away.
   The condolence delegation to Seoul, sent in the name of the General, was like a breath of warm spring air blowing on the frosted-over ground of the South at the height of confrontation. When the Central Committee Secretary Han Su Nam stepped out on the tarmac at Incheon airport, the south Koreans lowered their heads in awe at the great magnanimity and brotherly love of the General. The people lined the road all the way from Incheon to Seoul, waving flowers and cheering:  “Thanks to the benevolence and fraternal spirit of NDC Chairman Kim Jong Il, Kim Dae Jung will remain honored in our people’s history forever.” “Even though our land is divided, the blood of our people flows together as one.”
  Meanwhile criticism grew more concentrated against Lee Myung Bak and his policy of confrontation with the Republic. Though he had adamantly resisted, eventually he had no choice but to meet with the delegation. Secretary Han, who had been entrusted with handing over the General's personal letter of condolence, remembered his growing disillusionment as he watched the man flounder. 
Kim Ki Nam (second from left) and other North Korean officials
present flowers at Kim Dae-jung's funeral, August 2009
Src: SinoNK
For reference, here is Hankyoreh's coverage of the 2009 condolence delegation: http://english.hani.co.kr/arti/english_edition/e_northkorea/372535.html 
Note: The delegation actually arrived at Kimpo airport, not Inchŏn. Needless to say, the roads from Inchŏn to Seoul were not lined with people shouting the above slogans.

From the above excerpt, we can assume that "Secretary Han Su Nam" is probably Kim Ki Nam, the Central Committee secretary who joined the 2009 condolence delegation (http://www.nkleadershipwatch.org/kim-ki-nam/).

South Korean key words

At several points this story invokes phrases that hint at how North Korea's writers are in tune with South Korean media terms and key words. The following terms appear in the story:

실용정부 "pragmatic government" - another term for the Lee Myŏng Bak administration; the North Korean text uses this term disparagingly several times.
흡수통일, 급변사태대응책 "Unification by absorption" "Response Strategy for Sudden Emergency" - phrases in vogue whenever North Korean collapse seems imminent
잃어버린 10년 "the lost decade" - refers to the ten years of sunshine policy.
인동초 "Honeysuckle" - apparently this was a nickname of Kim Dae-jung. This seems fairly obscure, but one South Korean blogger wrote this post explaining its meaning.
목포의 눈물 "Tears of Mokpo" - The story describes this as one of Kim Dae-jung's favorite songs. This song is indeed associated with Kim Dae Jung, who considered Mokpo his second hometown.
보안법 National Security Law - The law invoked in South Korea to crack down on pro-North sentiment. Apparently the incident with the incense altars being prohibited by the NSL actually happened.
다음, 네이버 Daum, Naver - listed among the "big 5 internet sites" of South Korea that supposedly posted mourning pages for Kim Jong Il. 
퍼주기 to overfeed, coddle - this is a phrase that was used a lot by South Korean conservatives as the Sunshine Policy was winding down in the late 2000s. In the story, the MoU officials use this phrase to explain their opposition to a condolence visit: "We can't keep coddling them all the time."